Anton was walking home with a friend in Kyiv when he was suddenly seized and forced into the back seat of a police car, with an officer on each side, heading towards a future that would likely see him in the trenches.

The 52-year-old, who requested to withhold his surname to protect his identity, has supported Ukraine’s fight against Russia, but did not want to be sent to the front line. The grinding attrition of war seemed like a death sentence given his health issues. He is HIV-positive and has arthritis and poor eyesight – conditions that he believed made him medically unfit to serve.

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But since mobilisation laws took effect in May 2024, Ukraine’s recruitment officers have been ambushing men on the street.

In late January, when he was allegedly captured, he had been avoiding venturing out of his apartment block – fearful of both Ukraine’s controversial conscription drive and Russian drone attacks on his neighbourhood.

But on one of the few times he did leave his home, the police jumped out of a car that was parked in a residential garage and chased him, he said.

He was then caught and driven to a militarised section of a state clinic in Kyiv, where his phone was confiscated.

“They told me to mute my phone and hand it over,” he said. “I started to protest. The guard said, ‘Don’t push me to use physical methods on you. Give it to me now.’ So I did.”

After undergoing medical tests, he was transferred to a military recruitment centre on the outskirts of the city, where he would spend two days in a room with barred windows, a bucket of cold pasta, and no way to contact the outside world.

What happened to Anton has a term in Ukraine – “busification” – men stopped on city streets, checked for exemption cards, and placed directly onto buses bound for mobilisation centres.

According to observers, as Ukraine’s conscription crisis grows, it is increasingly common.

On the streets, resistance against the recruitment officers has also turned physical, and on occasion, deadly.

Within the space of three days in February, a draft officer was shot dead at a petrol station in Poltava oblast, an explosion inside a draft office in Rivne killed one person and wounded six, and another blast wounded one at an enlistment office in Pavlohrad. Ukraine’s Security Service later said Russia had recruited the perpetrator of the Rivne bombing.

At the military recruitment centre, Anton watched on as young men arrived, freshly caught from the streets with stories to tell.

One man told him he had been seized hours earlier, as he prepared to drive his wife to hospital to give birth to their first child.

“There was a strong sense of solidarity,” he told Al Jazeera. “They shared their life stories and tried to offer advice and share their opinions, as well as their experiences of dealing with the guards.”

As recruitment officers began parcelling the men out to military units, Anton discovered that his HIV status had been withheld from the commanders they were being offered to – information that, once revealed, saw him deemed too unwell to serve.

He was eventually released, but said it cost him $5,000 in lawyers’ fees to walk free on a conditional summons, and a further $30,000 paid to fixers who promised to secure his documents and then vanished.

He is now confined to his home, afraid to step outside.

At the time of publishing, the Command of the Territorial Defence Forces had not responded to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

In the months following Russia’s full-scale invasion, initial battlefield successes and a wave of patriotism led to hundreds of thousands volunteering to serve, but after a failed counteroffensive in 2023, recruitment became difficult, and tactics hardened.

Two laws signed in April 2024 lowered the draft age from 27 to 25, quintupled fines for evasion, and dropped a promised provision that would have allowed soldiers to demobilise after 36 months of service, leaving those already fighting with no fixed end to their duty.

Men have reportedly been taken from a range of sites.

In October 2024, footage outside a concert at Kyiv’s Palace of Sports showed officers dragging a man across the pavement as onlookers chanted “Shame!”

In the western city of Uzhhorod, a man was rounded up as he left Sunday mass despite carrying papers proving he was the sole carer for his disabled mother.

Corruption in the recruitment process has been alleged. In some cases, men have obtained exemptions through paid-for medical diagnoses.

In October 2024, Ukraine’s Prosecutor General Andriy Kostin resigned after journalists reported that dozens of prosecutors in the western Khmelnytskyi region held disability status to avoid the draft.

The scandal proved to be the tip of the iceberg: Ukraine’s security service announced it had cancelled 4,106 fake disability certificates issued through corrupt medical examination commissions that year, charging 64 commission officials in the process.

Then, in January 2025, the chief psychiatrist of Ukraine’s armed forces – a senior member of the central military medical commission that decides whether conscripts are fit to serve – was arrested for illegal enrichment, having accumulated a house, apartments in Kyiv and Odesa, land, and four luxury cars worth more than $1m since the invasion began.

Investigators searching his home found $152,000 and 34,000 euros in cash.

‘Systematic and large-scale’

The alleged abuses have been documented internationally.

In a memorandum published on July 8, 2025, the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights raised alarm over mobilisation practices, including beatings, harsh detentions, denial of access to lawyers, and the conscription of men with disabilities, citing Ukraine’s parliamentary human rights commissioner, Dmytro Lubinets, who had described the violations as “systematic and large-scale”.

This has affected public opinion.

According to a July 2025 survey by Ukraine’s Rating Group, only 24 percent of Ukrainians said they trusted enlistment officers.

Telegram groups began tracking recruiters in real time – a movement so popular that Google’s Threat Analysis Group identified a suspected Russian intelligence operation piggybacking on it in October 2024, creating a fake app that purported to map recruiters’ locations while secretly installing malware.

Attacks on recruitment officers

More than 600 attacks on enlistment officers have been recorded since the start of the war, with assaults nearly tripling in 2025.

The first four months of 2026 alone saw 117 – more than 20 times the five recorded in the war’s entire first year.

Anger has boiled over.

On July 8, 2026, a crowd in Lviv’s Sykhiv district blocked, damaged and overturned a recruitment service vehicle during the detention of a man wanted for draft evasion, prompting pre-trial investigations by the national police and the Security Service of Ukraine.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has argued that the only beneficiary of such scenes is Russia.

Yet the condemnations have also been tempered with concessions by institutions like the Defence Ministry, which conceded that mobilisation methods need improvement.

Oleksandr Syrskii, who was sacked as the country’s commander-in-chief last month along with the defence minister Mykhailo Fedorov, also acknowledged the army was working to correct mistakes and prevent rights violations at enlistment offices.

KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — Russia pounded the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv and the surrounding region with scores of missiles and drones in a nighttime aerial attack that lasted for hours and killed at least 16 people, officials said Thursday.

Moscow’s forces have in recent months intensified their ballistic missile attacks on Kyiv, exploiting Ukraine’s chronic shortage of U.S.-made Patriot air defense interceptors, the sole weapon in its arsenal able to shoot down the missiles.

Large-scale Russian missile strikes have become a regular occurrence this summer. Just over two weeks ago, a Russian attack on Kyiv and its surrounding region killed 17 people, and nine were killed in the city two days before that. The United Nations said last week that Kyiv was one of the hardest hit cities in July, with at least 54 civilians killed and 202 injured.

At the same time, Ukraine has shifted the war onto Russian soil through long-range drone strikes on oil facilities that have caused fuel shortages across the country. It has also unsettled the Russian public by striking warehouses of Wildberries, the country’s biggest online retailer.

Zelenskyy repeats his appeals for more air defense

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has pleaded for countries to send more Patriot interceptors for defense, but international stockpiles are low amid the Iran war and Kyiv’s more than four-year fight against Russia’s all-out invasion.

Russia’s overnight barrage also included cruise missiles and jet-powered drones that further strain air defenses, Ukraine’s air force said.

Explosions boomed across Kyiv in the dark, but the air force said hits were recorded at 28 locations across the country. Emergency services said 15 people were killed in the capital, with another death in the wider Kyiv region. About 40 people were wounded, Zelenskyy said, as air raid warnings lasted until after dawn.

More than 38,000 people, including over 2,000 children, sheltered in Kyiv’s subway stations overnight, the system’s operator said.

“It was a massive attack,” Zelenskyy said on social media, adding that Russia “had been preparing (it) for a long time, combining different types of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones, aiming to cause as much damage as possible to civilian infrastructure.”

The Russian Defense Ministry said it struck a Kyiv industrial site manufacturing components for Flamingo cruise missiles. Sites involved in the production and storage of drones, an ammunition depot and a logistics center were also hit, it said.

Russia is able to produce more than 200 cruise and ballistic missiles per month, Ukraine’s intelligence agency told news outlet Ukrainska Pravda in comments published Thursday. It has stockpiled more than 1,100 cruise missiles and about 130 Iskander-M ballistic missiles, as well as hundreds of missiles of other types, the agency was quoted as saying.

It was not possible to independently verify the report, and Russian officials do not routinely answer questions about the country’s arsenal.

Ukraine says it struck more Russian oil facilities

Russia and Ukraine have battered each other with drones and missiles as their armies struggle to gain the upper hand on the 1,250-kilometer (780-mile) front line.

Ukraine’s General Staff said its forces struck an oil refinery in Nizhnekamsk, in Russia’s Tatarstan region, starting a fire, and the Tamanneftegaz oil terminal in Volna, in Russia’s Krasnodar region, where there was also a blaze. Ukraine has hit both facilities in recent months as part of its campaign to disrupt Russia’s vital oil industry.

Tatarstan leader Rustam Minnikhanov confirmed there had been a “massive attack” in the region, state news agency Tass reported, citing his press service. Many of the drones targeted Nizhnekamsk’s Zakamsk economic area, disrupting production at industrial sites and damaging residential buildings, Tass quoted him as saying.

The Russian Defense Ministry said air defenses shot down 726 drones overnight over a number of Russian regions, annexed Crimea and the Black and Azov seas, in one of Ukraine’s biggest aerial attacks of the war.

Ukraine’s neighbors are on alert

Russia’s relentless onslaught has spooked other European countries, especially those bordering Ukraine, which fear spreading attacks from Moscow.

Amid the attack on Kyiv, the Polish Armed Forces Operational Command activated its military aviation operations, ground-based air defense systems and radar reconnaissance. Polish and other NATO military aircraft were deployed to monitor its airspace, Polish news agency PAP reported.

Romania’s Defense Ministry said an unidentified drone crashed and burned in an uninhabited area near the Ukrainian border. Two Spanish F-18 jets, deployed on a policing mission in Romania, were scrambled overnight to monitor a group of “air targets” near the border, the ministry said.

In addition, two Romanian F-16 fighter jets were deployed to destroy a naval drone seen near a major Black Sea gas project, Romania’s acting Defense Minister Radu Miruta said.

Moldova’s Defense Ministry also said its airspace was breached by at least one drone.

Russia “is increasingly testing the resolve of NATO and its partners, violating the sovereignty of neighboring states and deliberately expanding the risks posed by its war far beyond Ukraine,” Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said on social media.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen saw a broad threat to the European Union. “An escalating campaign of threats is underway, unsettling our citizens and seeking to divide our Union,” she said on X.

Explosions shatter windows and screams fill the air

Russia’s overnight strikes hit 12 locations across Kyiv’s Darnytskyi, Sviatoshynskyi and Solomianskyi districts, damaging 30 apartment blocks, a school, a children’s hospital and a kindergarten, Zelenskyy said.

Larysa Bondaruk, 60, sat on the ground, holding her cat, Chanel, which had been rescued by firefighters. With tears in her eyes, she said her neighbor’s grandson had been trapped by the rubble and died. Her apartment was badly damaged.

“A rocket hit the roof. It was incredibly loud. Immediately, debris and doors were blown out. There were columns of smoke, columns of fire, screams, crying and despair,” she said. “Two people were killed in our building, but the rescuers responded quickly and professionally. I am grateful to them for that.”

In Solomianskyi district, the top two floors of a nine-story residential building were destroyed and fires broke out on other floors. People were also trapped in two residential buildings and a school shelter.

___

AP reporters Vasilisa Stepanenko and Hanna Arhirova in Kyiv, Kirsten Grieshaber in Berlin and Stephen McGrath in Leamington Spa, England, contributed.

___

Follow the AP’s coverage of the war in Ukraine at https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine

Russian forces have launched ballistic missile attacks on Ukraine’s capital Kyiv, killing at least 13 people and wounding 33, officials said.

Explosions rang out across several districts of Kyiv early on Thursday, shaking buildings and setting off car alarms, according to the Kyiv Independent, a Ukrainian news outlet.

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The blasts hit the Sviatoshynskyi, Solomianskyi and Shevchenkivskyi districts.

In the Solomianskyi district, a nine-storey residential building collapsed and caught fire following the attack, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko said on Telegram. He said a children’s hospital in the district was also damaged, with windows shattered and cars burning on the grounds.

“People are trapped” at another residential building, he continued, with parts of Sviatoshynskyi and Solomianskyi districts also without electricity.

Ukraine’s Emergency Services said at least 33 people were wounded in the “massive attack” on the capital, with fires breaking out in residential buildings and at warehouses.

It said rescuers were at the scene of the attacks and had retrieved at least two people from the rubble of collapsed buildings.

An attack in the Brovary district of the Kyiv region killed one person and wounded another, Kyiv region’s Governor Tymur Tkachenko said.

“One industrial facility has been damaged. All relevant services are on site, working to extinguish the fire,” Tkachenko added.

Reporting from Kyiv, Al Jazeera’s Audrey MacAlpine said air alarms continued to sound in the city on Thursday morning.

“We know that two fuel industrial facilities were hit,” she said.

MacAlpine said Russia’s escalating missile attacks across Ukraine were causing growing concern as Ukraine faces a shortage of Patriot interceptor missiles. The lack of sufficient air defences will be “a problem when Russia begins to target energy infrastructure, sites that will keep the heat and electricity on this winter”, she said.

The attacks also prompted security responses in neighbouring NATO member states.

Poland’s military command said it had mobilised aircraft and activated air defences to protect its airspace, particularly in areas bordering Ukraine.

Romania’s Ministry of National Defence said radar systems detected aerial targets near the Ukrainian border overnight, prompting the scrambling of two Spanish jets deployed on NATO missions and a Romanian air force helicopter.

The ministry said a drone entered Romanian airspace near Galati before crashing in an unpopulated area in Tulcea county.

Meanwhile, Russia’s Ministry of Defence said it had shot down 726 Ukrainian UAVs between Wednesday evening and Thursday morning over several regions, as well as over the Black Sea and Sea of Azov.

New defence minister

The attacks came a day after Ukraine’s parliament confirmed Yevhenii Khmara as the country’s new defence minister. Lawmakers approved his appointment 312-2, well above the 226 votes needed.

Khmara is a career intelligence official who rose through the ranks of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). He previously led its Alpha special operations unit, whose personnel have reportedly been linked to Operation Spiderweb, last year’s drone attack deep inside Russian territory.

Addressing parliament before the vote, Khmara pledged to “do everything to defend Ukraine, to reduce Russia’s war potential as much as possible, and to force the enemy into a just peace”. Zelenskyy called the confirmation a sign that “Ukraine needs more strength. And it will have it.”

Not everyone was convinced, however. Opposition lawmaker Solomiia Bobrovska said pulling Khmara from intelligence work was “a mistake”, even while praising him personally.

Khmara’s confirmation fills the vacancy left by former Defence Minister Mykhailo Fedorov. He was ousted in July after a public rupture with the armed forces commander-in-chief, Oleksandr Syrskii, who was also replaced weeks later amid public pressure.

The rupture reverberated further when, a day before Khmara’s confirmation, Fedorov released a video calling for Ukraine to move towards holding elections, currently suspended under wartime law.

He argued that the country faces a “systemic crisis of governance”.

The political fallout spilled into the streets on Wednesday, as dozens of demonstrators rallied in Kyiv in support of Fedorov’s call.

“It’s like we are in a trap,” protester Emilia, who gave only her first name, told Al Jazeera. “Because we have not had any elections, so the members of parliament, the people who are in the executive branch of power, they understand that, ‘Hmm, I can sit here and do whatever I want.'”

Several others said they backed the idea of renewing the country’s leadership. But they were sceptical that a real vote could be held while the war continues.

Ukrainian law currently bars elections during wartime, and no major political figure has publicly pushed back on that since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022.

Zelenskyy’s term ended in May 2024, but the country has postponed its presidential election while martial law remains in effect.

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In official discourse, Kaliningrad is increasingly portrayed as Russia’s western stronghold: resilient, patriotic, and under constant external pressure. However, propaganda must also compete with people’s everyday experiences. Rising prices, logistical disruptions, security alerts, and the militarization of public life shape how residents perceive the consequences of Russia’s war.

The weakest point of the Kremlin's propaganda in the Kaliningrad Oblast is the clash between the official worldview and the everyday economy. One can repeat familiar formulas about 'unfriendly countries', 'sanctions pressure' and 'the threat from the West', while seeing that the usual food basket is becoming more expensive, familiar goods periodically disappear and the region is increasingly dependent on complex and costly logistics. In Kaliningrad, the war is felt through the price.

This does not mean that the region has experienced a permanent food crisis, but Kaliningrad lives in a state of heightened vulnerability to disruption. According to the Bank of Russia(opens in a new tab), in March 2026 annual inflation in Kaliningrad Oblast was 7.08 percent, compared to 5.86 percent for Russia as a whole. In December 2025, according to Rusprodsoyuz(opens in a new tab), the minimum monthly food basket in Kaliningrad Oblast cost 20 percent more than the Russian average.

Potatoes became a symbolic example. Under normal circumstances, this is an almost invisible product, part of the routine of daily stability. In June 2025, residents complained about the lack of potatoes in stores. Authorities explained that local stocks had run out and that the shortage in retail was later compensated by supplies from other regions and countries.

The authorities tried to present the situation as manageable – the shortage was not catastrophic, supplies would arrive, Belarus was ready to help, and local potatoes should not be exported, but should remain within the region. But the very fact that the governor discussed limiting the export of potatoes from the region, while the President of Belarus publicly promised (opens in a new tab) to supply Kaliningrad with food, shows that this was no longer an ordinary seasonal price fluctuation. For Kaliningrad, this is a reminder that if something breaks within the region, replacing it is more difficult, because any compensation depends on a route.

Logistical anxieties

It is logistics that makes the daily economy of Kaliningrad political. People's lives are made through corridors, ports, ferries, quotas, subsidies and bypasses. Maritime transport is an alternative to land transport through the EU, where sanctions restrict the transit of certain goods.

In 2026, this dependence became even more apparent. After sanctions against Lukoil, sea shipments of oil products on the Kaliningrad route tripled.(opens in new tab)to 61,000 tons. Since the end of 2025, the company has shifted almost all such cargoes from land transit to sea routes. This looks like adaptation, but it also shows dependence. The region relies on constant reconfiguration of routes.

For Kremlin propaganda, this situation is ambiguous. On the one hand, any difficulties can be explained by external pressure: sanctions, Lithuania, Poland, the EU, the ‘economic war of the West’. A clear example of this context appeared as early as 2025, when Federation Council Speaker Valentina Matviyenko said (opens in a new tab) that Kaliningrad needed special mechanisms to deal with ‘opposition and problems created by neighbors, “partners” in quotation marks’, again presenting the region’s economic and logistical difficulties as a result of hostile external pressure.

This allows public anger to be directed outwards rather than towards Moscow. On the other hand, the more daily life depends on subsidies, ferries, supplies from Belarus, imported potatoes and decisions from the federal center, the less convincing the image of a stable fortress becomes. This is the main paradox of Kaliningrad.

Sabotage, fear and militarization of everyday life

The next layer of propaganda is not just the image of an external threat, but its constant movement closer to everyday life. If the narrative of the besieged fortress explains why the region is supposedly under pressure from NATO and the West, then reports of sabotage and terrorist attacks make this threat almost internal. The danger is no longer somewhere in television geopolitics, but close at hand – in a communication tower, a gas pipeline, a road, a military convoy, a railway station or an infrastructure facility.

Over the past few years, the FSB reported numerous detentions of residents of the region suspected of alleged sabotage activities, including arson attacks on transport and communications infrastructure.

In 2025, such reports moved even closer to ordinary urban infrastructure. In February 2025, the Kaliningrad FSB reported(opens in a new tab)the detention of three Russian citizens who, according to the agency, had planned to set fire to the power supply equipment of a mobile communications base station “in the interests of Ukraine”. In May 2025, the FSB announced(opens in a new tab)the detention of a 25-year-old Russian citizen who was suspected of preparing a terrorist attack on the route of a military parade convoy during the events of May 9.

The key point here is not the number of cases, but the fact that Kaliningrad residents are encouraged to see danger not only in Ukraine, NATO or ‘hostile neighbors’, but also within their region – in people nearby, suspicious contacts, other people’s phones, money transfers, conversations and interest in infrastructure facilities. The war thus becomes not only an external conflict, but also an internal regime of suspicion.

A special element of this logic is the creation(opens in a new tab)in 2025 of the BARS-39 combat army reserve. Officially, the authorities explained it as a measure to strengthen the territorial defense of the region. Governor Alexey Besprozvannykh said(opens in a new tab)at that time he had turned to the Ministry of Defense after requests from residents and veterans' organizations, while the first wave of reservists underwent training at the Khmelyovka training ground. Later, the governor himself, members of the regional government and heads of municipalities joined BARS-39, and the official presentation emphasized that service and training would take place only within the region.

The political meaning here is more important than the military one. BARS-39 transforms anxiety into organized behavior. The population is invited not only to believe that the region is under threat, but to participate in a ritual of defense – to register, to attend training, to take a piece of land, to guard ‘one’s home.’ Even if most residents never join the reserve, the very fact of its public promotion normalizes the idea that Kaliningrad lives in a special defensive regime.

The psychology of drone warfare

The topic of drones occupies a special place. Unlike the Russian border regions that regularly face attacks from UAVs, the Kaliningrad Oblast does not have a direct air corridor from Ukraine through Russian territory. A possible Ukrainian drone flying to Kaliningrad would have to cross the airspace of other states or rely on a much more complicated scenario – for example, be launched from the sea, from within the region itself or as part of a local sabotage operation. That is why the threat from drones in Kaliningrad is perceived differently than in the Belgorod, Kursk or Rostov regions. Geographically, it is less visible and requires additional explanations.

On May 25, 2026, residents of the Kaliningrad Oblast received a warning.(opens in a new tab)of the ‘drone threat’ for the first time. According to messages from the emergency warning system and regional authorities, the ‘warning system was activated’ and Khrabrovo airport temporarily restricted arrivals and departures. At the same time, no public information was provided about a specific drone, its route, where it was detected, captured or shot down. This is crucial – it was not a confirmed attack or a downed aircraft, but a warning signal with an obscure factual basis.

Even if the true nature of the threat remains unclear, the signal itself produces the necessary psychological effect: the war suddenly appears not somewhere far away, but over Kaliningrad. Residents are invited to feel themselves part of the same danger zone in which the Russian border regions live. This creates a sense of being connected in the same war: the region may not be near the Ukrainian front, but it is nevertheless included in the general map of the war.

In this sense, the drone warning of May 25, 2026 became a continuation of the ‘besieged fortress’ narrative. And the less visible such a threat is from a geographical point of view, the more obvious its political function becomes – to arouse anxiety, strengthen trust in security agencies, justify the militarization of everyday life, and once again present Kaliningrad not as an enclave far from the front, but as the western border of Russia already involved in war.

The myth of the outpost mail: the price of reality

The Kaliningrad Oblast shows how Kremlin propaganda works in wartime not only through television narratives, but also through the reformatting of everyday life itself. Kaliningrad is increasingly presented not as a distinctive European border, but as Russia’s western outpost surrounded by enemies. In this logic, the war against Ukraine no longer looks like Moscow’s aggression and is presented instead as part of the supposedly necessary defense of Russia as a whole and Kaliningrad in particular.

But it is precisely the local experience that makes this construction tangible. Kaliningrad residents may be encouraged to imagine themselves living in a protected fortress, yet their daily lives increasingly tell them something else – the region has become more closed, more expensive, more dependent and more unsettling. Propaganda can direct irritation outward – towards Ukraine, NATO, Lithuania, Poland and the ‘collective West’ – but it cannot completely erase the personal feeling that life has deteriorated. That is why the main conflict in Kaliningrad is not between belief and disbelief in propaganda, but between the official mythology of the post and the real experience of people who see the price of war in shops, at borders, on supply routes and change, writes defense24.

The GeoPost

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